At the Venice Film Festival earlier this month, the documentary NAZA received a 25-minute standing ovation. In Israel, it’s all anyone’s talking about, even though few have actually seen it.
Made by two Israeli filmmakers, Rachel Szor and Yuval Abraham, the movie takes place on the rooftops of Tel Aviv, where 24 anonymous Israeli intelligence agents and soldiers discuss things that they did in Gaza and how they did them.
As Bilge Ebiri writes in his Vulture review of NAZA, “One officer recalls blowing up a building with 500 people in it to go after one target. They admit to knowingly wiping out entire neighborhoods, fully aware of the catastrophic human toll.”Another interviewee agrees that Israel is committing a genocide in Gaza.
Since its reception in Venice, the film has faced harsh criticism from the Israeli government — with at least one politician issuing a call to revoke the filmmakers’ citizenship.
Shany Littman is a journalist for Haaretz in Israel and has been reporting on the film’s reception. She spoke with Today, Explained co-host Noel King about the conversation around the movie in Israel.
Below is an excerpt of the conversation, edited for length and clarity. There’s much more in the full podcast, so listen to Today, Explained wherever you get podcasts, including Apple Podcasts, Pandora, and Spotify.
Have you seen the documentary NAZA?
I haven’t. I asked the PR person of the movie to send me a link and it’s not possible. I mean, considering the huge storm that came out, they’re probably rethinking how to handle the distribution of the film.
What I hear you saying is it’s safe to assume most people in Israel have not actually been able to see the movie. Is that right?
Yes, that’s correct.
But they are aware of what is in it. Let’s talk about the conversation around this movie in Israel. What’s the reaction been like?
You can find many different types of criticism from all sides of a political range. It’s not only right-wing people or people who are supporting the war. The claims are first that maybe the film itself is not verified. They have witnesses that are anonymous that they didn’t verify well enough. But I think most people — they just feel that this is an opportunity for all the pro-Palestinian, anti-Israeli, and [antisemitic] people in the world to attack Israel. Israelis from all sides are afraid of the way the world is seeing us at the moment.
Is anybody in Israel saying, “Hey, we’re glad that they did it. We’re glad that they made this movie”?
Yes. There are people who are supporting Yuval and Rachel, the filmmakers, supporting their right to criticize, to investigate. As a liberal country, we should be able to investigate ourselves, to criticize ourselves. They are doing their work as journalists.
There has also been a reaction from the Israeli government at a more official level. What has the Israeli government said about this film?
“There’s a really long history of films that were criticized, especially by different culture ministers. But I haven’t seen anything like this, like what is happening now. This is really frightening.”
The first person to react was the minister of culture. He said that the nationality of Yuval and the filmmakers should be revoked. That they should not be Israeli citizens anymore. There’s a really long history of films that were criticized, especially by different culture ministers. But I haven’t seen anything like this, like what is happening now. This is really frightening. I’m completely horrified by this.
I already saw some clips on social media by people who were filming themselves where…you could see a house [in the background] and someone was saying, “You can all come here. This is the house of Rachel Szor’s parents. They live here and you can come and do whatever you want. I invite you all to come here and take revenge.” And there were several clips with the same message.
I’m guessing they’re not coming back to Israel at the moment. I think it has become really dangerous for them to be here, and it’s a new level. I published an article about this. I didn’t do the movie. I just published an article supporting them in Haaretz and my mother is afraid that someone will attack me. The echoes of this event, they’re going very far now.
Are you frightened for the filmmakers if they choose to return? Do you fear for their safety?
Yes, absolutely. Especially because the elections are coming in a month. Many Israelis see this day as like the red line or the moment where we will be able to know if we can still live in Israel as a democracy, as a liberal democracy, or that the country has changed in a way that many [civil] rights and liberties that we think we have are gone. And that this country is not a democracy anymore. And so I think this is also why the blood is boiling.
This is a very, very tense and fragile moment. And for them I assume it is even more crucial and I hope they will not do anything that will put them in danger.
When we think about the stakes in healthcare, we tend to think of them in terms of life and death, being sick or being healthy. The conversation is about your physical well-being and maybe your mental health — and it pretty much stops there.
But health affects so much more than your body’s biology or even just you personally, as a new survey from Gallup and Pivotal, a philanthropic group founded by Melinda French Gates, shows. That’s especially true for women, who frequently report negative experiences with the health system and ongoing struggles to get their concerns taken seriously; poor health affects the trajectory of their careers and their ability to be engaged with their families, friends, and wider community.
It starts at the doctor’s office or hospital: 51 percent of women say they have had a negative healthcare experience in the past five years, versus 39 percent of men. About one in three said that a doctor did not take them seriously when they said they were feeling pain or other symptoms, versus 21 percent of men, and 33 percent said that they either were misdiagnosed or did not receive a diagnosis. The cost of paying for care is another deterrent: 32 percent of women said they have skipped or delayed care in the past year because of the cost, compared to 25 percent of men.
“To see that half of women in the United States who sought care in the last five years came out feeling like they hadn’t gotten the help or care they needed, that’s frankly staggering,” French Gates told me in an email. “It says a lot about how little we’ve invested in women’s health and how much we expect them to just push through pain or accept uncertainty.”
And the effects of those experiences, the failure to receive proper treatment, ripples out into the rest of the women’s lives. More than half of US women, 54 percent, said they had experienced at least one health-related impact on their family life or relationships; 42 percent said their health had led to a negative effect on their career or work. It also affects their community: 32 percent said their health had affected their ability to participate in civic life.
The toll is not only physical but mental: 48 percent of women said they’d dealt with a mental health condition like depression or anxiety. And socioeconomic disparities abound. Black and Hispanic women are more likely to report being in poor or fair health. Women who have lower incomes are more likely to face career struggles because of their health than those who make more.
I had the opportunity to interview French Gates, who has made women’s health a priority in her work, over email about the survey; its findings on community engagement, menopause, caregiving, and more; and what could be done to address the problems that it reveals. Our exchange is below, lightly edited for clarity and length.
Which of these survey findings surprised you most and why?
The number of women [54 percent] who said they experienced a mental health challenge during or after pregnancy should stop us all in our tracks. And the fact that less than one in three women who sought care found it helpful is really concerning. It’s why I feel so strongly about integrating women’s mental and physical healthcare, especially during pregnancy and postpartum. Mental and physical health are so linked together.
Too much of the burden is placed on women to get answers. All of us deserve so much better.
Nearly one-third of women said in the survey that health problems limited their ability to be involved in their community. What does that look like in practice, and what do communities lose when women can’t fully participate?
Women are so often the backbones of their communities, whether they’re rallying their neighbors around a cause, leading the PTA, or serving in elected office. Without having women — and their ideas and voices — in those roles, we’re missing half of the conversation. Issues that affect women and families are less likely to get on the agenda. They’re less likely to be solved.
When a woman has a health challenge, and she has to spend so much of her time and resources chasing down answers, that makes it harder for her to show up in those spaces. We saw that in the survey: 30 percent of women said their health limited their ability to be involved in their communities. And when women couldn’t get the care they needed, that percentage doubled.
Women’s health is often talked about as a personal issue, but this data is helping us prove that it’s also an economic issue, a family issue, a community issue — it affects all of society.
Caregiving and family responsibilities prevent many women from getting medical care, in particular Hispanic and Black women. That seems to create a vicious cycle: Women are often so busy being the caregivers in their families that they neglect their own health. Eventually, they are the ones who will need care.
What do you think can be done to break that pattern? Is there a philanthropic solution? What public policy changes could be made?
Women are often taught to put themselves last and minimize their own needs. They don’t always have time to care for themselves because they’re so busy caring for others. And they might not be able to afford childcare or home health support for their aging parents. Our survey showed one in six women delayed healthcare because of their responsibilities caring for their family members. For Black women it’s one in five, and Hispanic women one in four. Too many women are facing an uphill road to even just get to a doctor’s office.
It’s possible to make it easier for people to balance healthcare and family responsibilities — but it’s going to take action from many angles. That’s exactly why I invest in both women’s health and in caregiving, and I’d encourage more philanthropists to do the same. Businesses can also support employees with good paid leave policies and reliable but flexible schedules.
But for women everywhere to benefit, we need government leaders to prioritize increasing access to affordable childcare, home health supports, and paid family medical leave. These are policies that have the support of large majorities of Americans because these are issues that affect everyone. So there’s a real opportunity here to offer meaningful help to families.
I am struck by our collective failure on menopause: Women report that they aren’t aware of menopause symptoms until they experience them on their own, that they struggle to get their doctor to take menopause symptoms seriously, and that their menopause experience has held them back in their career. What are some short-term and long-term steps we can take to address those problems?
“Right now, women need better care at critical moments in their lives.”
If more than a third of women only learn about menopause symptoms when they go through them, the system is clearly not working. Women need to learn about menopause from their doctors before they experience it. But doctors aren’t getting the education and training they need on menopause while they are in school. One doctor told me she got just one lecture on menopause across all her years in medical school. One said it was mentioned one time. They are seeking out better training but it can be hard to find. That’s why Pivotal is partnering with the Menopause Society to expand physician training on menopause so doctors, nurses, and other healthcare providers can access the information they’re looking for to better help their patients.
Because menopause isn’t just about being uncomfortable; it can also bring anxiety, heart palpitations, insomnia — significant symptoms that can really hold women back. More than a quarter of women who’ve experienced menopause or perimenopause said it made it harder to live up to their full potential at work. One in 10 had to take leave or leave their jobs entirely. That just shouldn’t be. Women shouldn’t have to step back right at the moment when they could be stepping into leadership roles.
The most immediate steps can come from policymakers, especially at the state level. They can include menopause care in insurance and Medicaid coverage and offer workplace protections to women in menopause the way they do for pregnancy, so women can get the care they need without losing their jobs. I’m also focused on longer-term solutions, like expanding training for healthcare providers and investing in research to accelerate treatment options.
Women are at the forefront of a lot of wellness trends these days and yet, as the survey reveals, women also report encountering a ton of health misinformation on social media. Why do you think women are so often the targets of this kind of content? What can be done to point women toward and build their trust in sound medical information?
One in three women said she left an appointment without a diagnosis, with her pain being dismissed, or with no answers or next steps. You can understand why those women would start looking for information online. And because women’s health has been underfunded and under-researched, there just isn’t as much reliable information out there as there should be, which leaves a lot of room for people to come in with misinformation. Investing in credible scientific research to fill that vacuum will give both women and their doctors more information going into their appointments.
In terms of your own organization’s work, which investments are you making that you think can make progress on the underlying problems revealed in this survey?
We need to address the right now and we need to address the longer term. Right now, women need better care at critical moments in their lives.
One way we’re investing in that at Pivotal is by making it easier for women to get the mental healthcare they need during and after pregnancy. So we are investing in integrated models that put mental and physical healthcare under one roof. I visited a health clinic in Alabama earlier this year where they identify issues like depression and anxiety right at the outset and then help the mom all the way through her pregnancy care, all in the same place. That model is something we strongly believe in.
Better care for menopause will require better training, which we are thinking about in both the immediate and long term. I mentioned that we’re making more menopause training available to doctors who are currently practicing. That is something I’m really excited about because I’ve heard from physicians who really want to better support their patients and are looking for better information so they can do that. And longer-term, menopause needs to be a much bigger part of the curriculum at medical schools moving forward.
Another longer-term focus of ours is trying to make up for decades of lost time in research. We are funding medical research focused on how diseases specifically impact women, in partnership with an innovative organization called Wellcome Leap. They are working to accelerate progress in women’s health on everything from autoimmune diseases to cardiovascular disease in years, not decades, which is how long health breakthroughs usually take. That’s the kind of urgency women need and deserve.
Even before the latest batch of alarming AI news, a lot of Americans were souring on AI. That may be for big, existential reasons — concerns about widening inequality, mass job loss, and the still-unclear environmental impact of data centers — or for very specific, personal, everyday ones, like being forced to use a worse version of Google search.
None of this is to say that AI cannot be a useful tool for some people some of the time. It’s just that the untested technology was thrust upon millions of people who didn’t necessarily ask for it and really seem to not like it. More than twice as many Americans distrust AI as trust it, and a growing number of people think it will have a negative impact on productivity and economic growth, according to a recent survey by Gallup and the Special Competitive Studies Project. While about half of Americans now report using chatbots, a majority also think that AI will put their personal information at risk and nearly half think it will have a negative impact on society, according to a 2026 Pew study.
“It’s being forced on users, there’s no clear way to turn it off, and it feels like this unwelcome addition to their lives,” Rory Mir of the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), a nonprofit that defends digital privacy and free speech, told me. “It’s this kind of continued pattern of disrespect to users that I think is part of the pushback.”
If you want less AI in your life, opting out is not always easy. But there are things you can do to minimize your exposure.
There are ways to turn off AI features, although the process can be tedious. There are also steps you can take to prevent your data from being used to train AI models, though it’s difficult to keep all of your online data away from web scrapers.
I talked to five experts — including a computer scientist and a researcher studying AI resistance — who offered distinctive perspectives on what AI is doing to us, and who shared some simple and concrete steps you can take to push back against AI’s creep into our daily lives.
In the early days, which were just a few years ago, you really had to know what you were doing if you wanted to test out AI. Now, it’s impossible to avoid.
“More and more AI use is through its integration into digital products like search, email, camera apps, and social media,” Arvind Narayanan, a computer science professor at Princeton University, told me. “It will become increasingly hard to strip these out unless one is willing to forgo digital products altogether.”
What you’re specifically encountering is generative AI, and one of the most common types is a subset called large language models (LLMs), which ingest huge amounts of data and learn statistical patterns to predict and generate text. ChatGPT is powered by an LLM. The AI Overviews that sit on top of your Google search results come from an LLM. The grammar checker in your email app is likely powered by an LLM. Other subsets of generative AI include models that can produce images, video, audio, and software code.
The data that makes many of these tools work has been scraped from the open web, pirated books, and rare print books that are subsequently being destroyed. Everything from Wikipedia articles to YouTube videos has become training data for LLMs, and in order for the models themselves to get better, AI companies need more fresh data, which is in increasingly short supply. (Disclosure: Vox Media is one of several publishers that have signed partnership agreements with OpenAI. Our reporting remains editorially independent. Future Perfect is also funded in part by the BEMC Foundation, whose major funder was also an early investor in Anthropic; they don’t have any editorial input into our content.)
As a result, some of these companies are venturing into their users’ profiles to find more data. Meta, for example, sparked global outrage in 2024 when it informed some Facebook and Instagram users that it was using their public photos and text to train its AI models. Meta still does this. That your family photos or social media updates are being used to train AI to look and sound more human is, at the very least, very dehumanizing.
Generative AI, of course, is not the only type of AI that’s invisibly moving levers in your digital life. Recommendation algorithms are arguably even more inescapable. They power everything from Amazon to Netflix to Spotify and dictate what we buy, what we watch, and what we listen to. If you have trouble picking out an outfit in the morning, it might be because your brain is used to having algorithms around to help make decisions. This is also dehumanizing.
All of this — the societal harm, climate impact, the cognitive surrender — should be on your mind as you consider whether it’s worth enlisting these tools to write emails for you or to generate memes, according to Tania Duarte, founder of We and AI, a nonprofit focused on critical AI literacy.
“People are becoming increasingly aware of not just the impact on themselves but on the impact on the society they want to live in and the future that they want to have,” Duarte told me. “Is it worth all of that?”
If you’re reading this, you’re probably doing so on a smartphone or a computer. So let’s start with the assumption that you’d like to continue using devices like these.
If you’d like to minimize your exposure to AI, that presents a bit of a paradox. It’s seemingly impossible to use mainstream tech products without engaging with AI. But you can take steps to remove as much of it from your life as possible without going completely off the grid.
“You look for the spaces of agency rather than lamenting the fact that you can’t escape everything,” Dylan Orchard, a researcher at King’s College London who studies everyday resistances to AI, told me. “You can’t expect a perfect escape.”
Let’s start with the easiest options: You don’t have to use ChatGPT or Claude or Copilot. The same goes for Google Gemini and Apple Intelligence. If you’re happy with the way you access information online, save yourself the time. (Note: This will be much harder to do if you’re being required to use these tools at work or at school, so for the sake of this article, we’ll focus on the things you can control.)
Things get more complicated when you consider how your existing devices or software have recently been AI-ified. If you’re using an iPhone, for instance, you might be aware that the latest operating system comes with an updated version of Apple Intelligence, a layer of AI that does everything from summarize your notifications to power a new Siri. Earlier this year, Google launched its own version of this layer called Google Intelligence, which it says will make Android transition “from an operating system into an intelligence system.” The same push toward cramming AI into every corner is also happening on Windows 11, where Microsoft Copilot promises to be helpful.
If you were happy with your phone or laptop when it was slightly dumber, however, you can turn these features off. You can also opt out of other AI features built into your device’s operating system. Here’s a helpful guide that gets into the weeds of how to do it; it covers Apple Intelligence; Google Gemini, including AI Overviews and AI writing help in Gmail; Microsoft Copilot; Meta AI; and Samsung Galaxy AI. Turning off the AI features on Android devices is more complicated than flipping a single switch, but it can be done.
A lot of your AI exposure will happen in your web browser, though, so you should consider ways to bypass those features or switch browsers. Here’s another helpful guide that explains how to remove AI content from search results as well as AI features built into Chrome and other browsers, along with Microsoft Office. If you want a quick fix, adding “-ai” to a Google search should get rid of AI Overviews and some AI content in the search results, but none of these hacks will guarantee that you avoid AI slop altogether. Using a privacy-focused browser, like DuckDuckGo, might do a better job at it than Google, though.
When it comes to other online activities, like shopping or scrolling on social media, avoiding AI gets even harder. TikTok, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube lack a master switch that lets you opt out of all the many AI features on offer. Still, you can try to tone down the algorithmic sorting that all the apps use to serve you content by switching to a chronological feed or removing suggested content from your feed. (Try tapping the Instagram logo in the app and then hit “Following” to see just the accounts you follow.)
Unfortunately, once you dig into the various user agreements and privacy policies, you’ll find that it’s very difficult to avoid AI exposure on social media platforms. If you’re posting publicly, you should assume your content is being used to train that company’s AI models. (You can keep some of your data away from Meta’s crawlers by setting your Facebook or Instagram account to private. X also allows you to opt out of having your data used for training its AI.) If you want to turn off video summaries on Instagram Reels, too bad. You can’t. If you want to turn off comment summaries on Facebook, you’ll have to go four menus deep in your settings to find the right switch. The most straightforward way to avoid being used as training data is to stop using these apps entirely. Or at least stop posting your own content, which is easier said than done, but worth considering if you really want to resist the AI takeover.
There’s a programming term that describes the inundation of AI features and slog of opting out: “user-hostile.” It’s a play on the term “user-friendly,” and it describes software that values the company’s priorities over the end users. You may love AI, although that’s doubtful if you’ve read this far. If it drives you crazy, though, you should feel at least a little bit empowered to know that there’s a way to reclaim the experience you had and loved without AI — or to use AI on your own terms.
“Ultimately, I think the important thing for folks to keep in mind is that AI is just a tool,” said Mir from EFF, “and it makes sense to want control over your own tools, including the option to not use a tool if it’s not right for you.”
It’s frustrating that we have to deal with this at all, if only because most of us did not ask for our cyber existences to be sullied by untested tech. But it’s actually refreshing to consider that, because of a never-ending onslaught of annoying features, AI might actually discourage us from using social media so much.
If anything, the extent to which we feel the need to flee from AI also reflects our craving for something real, that makes us feel more connected and more human. So when AI summaries interrupt your time on Instagram, consider texting your friends a handful of photos from your week or calling them on the phone. If you’ve finally seen one too many AI slop videos on TikTok, put on a classic movie or TV show.
At the very least, put down your phone and take a walk outside; your attention span will thank you for it. Yes, your individual rejection of AI might be a drop in the bucket for these huge tech companies, but that doesn’t mean it’s not worth doing anyway.
Correction, September 21, 2:10 pm: The way this story originally represented Tania Duarte’s comments has been revised to clarify her concerns with AI.
Wildfires are popularly considered wild — restricted to the remote wilderness or the edge of forests, and to most, a problem for the dry and hot states of the Western US. But over the past few years, and now across the country, these fires are getting less wild and far more urban.
This summer, fires in Spokane, Washington, demolished over 800 homes in a suburban neighborhood, and earlier in the season, the northeast coast was engulfed in smog from fires in Ontario. The Hawk Fire in Nevada razed more than 15,000 acres near Reno, destroying 47 homes before it was extinguished. The Los Angeles fires of last year remain some of the most devastating in recent memory, with over 37,000 acres burned — much of it densely built residential neighborhoods — and displacing 205,000 people from their homes. In Boulder, Colorado, the 2021 Marshall Fire destroyed nearly 1,000 homes.
This changing geography of fires is affecting the health risks they present, too.
When vegetation burns, it releases particulate matter, or PM 2.5, and with over 46 million homes in the continental US — this is approximately one-third of all homes — on the edge of fire-prone wildland, many more of us are being exposed to air filled with that soot. This alone is a major health risk. According to the World Health Organization, PM 2.5, is associated with premature death, severe damage to respiratory health, and cognitive impairment. It is especially dangerous for aging populations: a study published in February found that accumulated exposure to wildland smoke was associated with greater hospitalization risk for various cardiovascular diseases in older Americans, including irregular heart rhythms and heart failure, even when they are only exposed to moderate levels of PM 2.5.
But the urban landscape has also changed the very composition of the smoke that increasingly hangs over all of us. As human structures and vehicles burn, the fires expose us not just to particulate matter but also to the chemical toxins of urbanization itself, from plastic to metal oxides and vehicle fuel. The changing nature of this smoke, in fire zones but also in surrounding regions as it drifts outward, exposes us to a new class of health risks.
While researchers are still learning what exactly those risks might entail, early research suggests long-term dangers that are deeply troubling, especially as exposed populations age.
In 2020, the worst California fire year on record, ate up 4.2 million acres of land, most of it wild, spewing huge amounts of PM 2.5 into the air as the blazes raged. Emergency rooms, already short-staffed by the ongoing pandemic, buckled under the burden immediately. Northern California’s Stanford Health Care system saw a 12 percent jump in hospital admissions over the weeks following the fires, and a 43 percent increase in cardiovascular conditions. In Oregon that same year, 10 percent of emergency room visits were due to asthma-like conditions induced by smoke as fires migrated north.
Unfortunately, in a world of warming temperatures and drying conditions, that story is becoming all too common. In 2025, a total of 5.2 million acres of land burned across the US, and this year that number has already climbed to 8.5 million, before we’ve even hit the winter dry seasons that plague parts of the Southwest.
Despite this, the global footprint of human housing continues to expand, and with it the danger.
For centuries, human development has breached wildfire territory. However, over the last three decades, the zone that links the wild to cities and towns, called the wildland-urban interface (WUI), has grown substantially due to suburban construction. The US Forest Service found a 46 percent increase in the number of houses in the risky WUI zone between 1990 and 2020. By 2020, a third of US homes had been built in this highly vulnerable landscape. The math is simple: As suburbia expands into wilder regions, the more houses are exposed to wildland, and the fire risk grows greater. And when houses and other human-made goods burn, different and potentially more toxic forms of smoke can be produced.
The Los Angeles County fires in January 2025, which saw large urban regions devastated by flames, were an unfortunate case study for these risks. The Palisades and Eaton fires began on the northern edge of the LA foothills, where dense housing meets more wild, and more fire-prone, terrain. In a retrospective analysis, Underwriters Laboratories’ Fire Safety Research Institute detailed how the urban-wildland makeup of Los Angeles County has not only put more communities physically in fire-prone zones, but also has historically made the geographic region itself more vulnerable to fires.
As those fires spread into LA’s more urban areas in 2025, the smoke they produced became more dangerous, largely because of what was burning: more than 16,000 buildings, household items, and electric vehicles. The resulting emissions were thus far more complex than typical vegetation-only fires.
“What’s burning is now very different,” said Jackie Goodrich, an epidemiology professor at the University of Michigan. “So now modern homes have tons of plastic, metals, and all of our electronic appliances, and electric vehicles have these batteries that have a lot of rare metals and other toxic materials we don’t even know about.”
As a result, these emissions contain higher concentrations of volatile organic compounds (VOCs), metals, and carbon monoxide. PFAS, commonly dubbed “forever chemicals,” are also released through fire extinguishing foam and damaged firefighting gear, which traditionally contains PFAS to protect the skin from fuel that may soak through. These chemicals are associated with adverse health effects, including higher risk of certain cancers and weakening of the immune system. Many of these compounds are dangerous carcinogens.
These urban fires have a dangerous impact on indoor air quality, too, as chemicals and metals are absorbed into soft surfaces like pillows or textiles. Studies conducted in the aftermath of the LA fires found that post-wildfire VOC levels were elevated inside evacuated homes during the months following the fires. All of this goes to show that Americans can face the health risks of WUI smoke exposure, even when their homes emerge from the blaze relatively undamaged.
Studies examining hospital admission rates or emergency room visits offer some perspective on the short-term health effects of wildfires. But work by Goodrich and University of Arizona public health professor Jeff Burgess is providing new insight into long-term harm by using a subset of the population repeatedly exposed to and vulnerable to fires: the people who fight them.
In a study published last year, Goodrich and her fellow researchers examined blood samples from fire responders working in mixed urban and wild areas. They found that exposure to smoke limited the genetic expression of a tumor suppressor known to inhibit gastric cancer cell growth. It also affected regulatory expression similarly associated with tumor proliferation across cancer types, as well as neurodegenerative diseases.
Burgess has run similar studies across 33 states with 9,000 participating firefighters, allowing the researchers to examine changes in microRNA levels, blood proteins, and DNA methylation (which controls whether genes are on or off). His research on a small cohort of new fire recruits found altered DNA methylation at various sites in the genome, many of which are similarly linked to cancers, neurological disease, and cardiovascular disease.
It is still unclear whether these biological warning signs lead directly to cancer, Burgess said, largely due to the natural latency period between exposure to toxic substances and actual onset of disease. But as participants age, he expects to see a higher incidence of cancer, especially as exposure to big fires accumulates.
Firefighters have more prolonged exposure to these toxins than most, of course. But the health effects of wildland-urban fires can extend beyond self-selecting groups, especially as more people move into regions exposed to fire. Residents in the WUI are exposed to the same particulate matter and chemical slurry as firefighters. Goodrich suggests that this could lead to a higher risk of asthma and respiratory problems for children, as well as cardiovascular health incidents in adults.
Examining longer-term gene expression effects, however, is still more difficult in the general population than it is in the firefighters that her lab studies. While firefighters are often exposed to the same chemicals over and over again, it can be harder to get a clear sense of how toxins affect the average civilian who encounters them more sporadically.
That said, researchers at UCLA have been keeping a close eye on background toxic chemicals in the aftermath of the LA fires. In a paper published in June, they identified high levels of chromium 6, a carcinogenic metal nanoparticle that can cross cell membranes easily, in wildfire cleanup zones for up to two months following the actual fire. Abnormal concentrations of these heavy metals were also found up to six to nine miles downwind from the zones themselves.
Even following the disaster and immediate recovery periods of urban destruction, the public health dangers can persist: Toxic compounds like VOCs can contaminate waterways, and damaged air filtration systems can make it harder to protect surviving homes against future incidents.
As wildfires become less confined to the chaparral and forests and more likely to rage through suburban streets, we’ll all have to prepare to face the orange haze of fire season. And as we do, we’ll have to confront new dangers that may persist long after the blaze dies down.
As the heads of leading artificial intelligence companies came together last weekend to warn that runaway AI development could lead to catastrophic outcomes, momentum briefly seemed to be building for regulatory action from Washington.
But one connected and influential tech industry figure has become the leading voice opposing many proposals for government action — on his podcast, in media appearances, and in his private advice to President Donald Trump, who now calls AI doomsday fears a “hoax.”
David Sacks is a venture capitalist and part of the “PayPal Mafia” who, in recent years, has exemplified the rightward shift of some in the tech sector. He advised Elon Musk on his takeover of Twitter in 2022, and regularly unleashes a stream of scornful commentary about Democrats on social media and on the podcast All-In, which he co-hosts with three other venture capitalists.
And for anyone wondering why Trump seems so newly dug-in against AI safety warnings — and against government action that might slow down the runaway technology before people might get hurt — Sacks is right at the center of the conversation. When Politico asked this week about Trump’s newly vocal hostility to AI safety, a senior White House official said: “David Sacks. It’s all coming from him.”
Yet Sacks’s role in the debate is an unusual one. Though he champions the AI industry, he’s no fan of the US’s two biggest AI companies. In his years in the tech industry, he’s made powerful allies, as well as many enemies — technology investor Paul Graham once posted that Sacks may be “the most evil person in Silicon Valley” (in response, Sacks called him a bully and made insinuations of antisemitism). His role, and ideology, are a window into how complex the politics and geopolitical stakes of the AI race really are — as well as how Trump administration policy is often shaped less by agency policy processes than by who has the president’s ear.
After endorsing and fundraising for Trump in 2024 — “I love David’s house, what a house,” Trump said after a fundraiser at Sacks’s $20 million San Francisco mansion) — Sacks was rewarded with a job as the White House’s “artificial intelligence and crypto czar.” There, he helped steer policy until stepping down this past March. He still co-chairs a presidential technology board, and his influence persists — in May, the Washington Post reported that a phone call from Sacks to Trump temporarily derailed the planned signing of an executive order on AI. (Vox reached out to Sacks for this article, but he declined to comment.)
Sacks is not the only Trump adviser thinking about AI: Other top administration officials, like Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Chief of Staff Susie Wiles have reportedly been more concerned about the risks of new AI tools for hacking, and have been trying to establish a government body that could help oversee the industry and address these risks.
But, so far, Trump has rejected this approach, and stayed much closer to the Sacks position. In a flurry of Truth Social posts Monday, he argued that AI would be “the Greatest Economic Development Engine in History,” said that the US had to “win” against China in the AI race, and dismissed concerns AI would “destroy the World” as a “hoax.”
To understand the implications of Sacks’s influence, you have to understand his position in the Silicon Valley AI ecosystem. In conversations with AI policy insiders, it becomes clear that many view his position through the lens of both his history as a tech investor, as well as his sharp-elbowed and take-no-prisoners style.
The split he embodies isn’t just about AI safety, but a fundamental divide over which business model of AI should succeed — one that pits Sacks directly against the biggest AI companies driving the safety debate.
Sacks has generally been opposed to new regulation of AI companies by the government. His preferred approach, he’s frequently said, is to “let them cook.” He wants to let tech companies march ahead, and argues that government intervention would squelch innovation. “It’s this very libertarian approach to America winning in AI,” said Chris McGuire, a senior fellow at Council on Foreign Relations who worked on tech policy for President Joe Biden’s National Security Council, of Sacks’s approach.
That puts Sacks in opposition to AI safety advocates, who argue that regulation is necessary to rein in an increasingly dangerous technology. Indeed, even the leading AI company CEOs — Dario Amodei, Sam Altman, and even Sacks’s friend Elon Musk — have called for a slowdown in advanced AI development because of these dangers.
But Sacks has tended to dismiss warnings such as that of former Anthropic employee Jacob Coxon as “doomer histrionics.” Of late, he’s also argued that if Anthropic and OpenAI are worried that their products are dangerous, that’s on them. “If the unreleased models are scary enough that you think you should slow down, I support your decision to be responsible,” Sacks posted on X on Saturday.
Indeed, though Sacks is often shorthanded as pro-AI, he’s in some key ways been quite critical of the leading AI labs, OpenAI and Anthropic, themselves.
That’s partly because he’s aligned with a different faction in Silicon Valley. Sacks and key allies like Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang and Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg want much more AI development from many more places, by way of models that are “open weight” or “open source.” These models make their parameters (“weights”) publicly available, in contrast to the flagship proprietary models of OpenAI and Anthropic.
“Keeping innovation decentralized and accessible is the key to avoiding an unsafe and dystopian future where advanced AI capabilities are centralized and controlled by only a few hands,” Sacks posted on X earlier month. He has accused companies like Anthropic of trying to “kneecap open source” with regulation.
Proponents of open models hope advanced AI becomes something more like a widely available resource that individual users and companies can download, run themselves, and customize to their internal specifications — rather than having to go through a handful of companies that control access. “The defining questions of our age are who will have access to superintelligence and what will we direct it towards,” Zuckerberg wrote in August. “Will it be centralized and restricted to a few institutions, or will it be a tool that empowers everyone?”
There’s a lot of money riding on this bet. Huang’s Nvidia manufactures chips used to train AI models and would like more customers (and just this month agreed to buy Hugging Face, a repository of open models). Zuckerberg’s Meta has hoped to be the US leader in open model development.
More broadly, software startup founders and the venture capitalists who fund them can benefit from powerful open weight AI being widely available, since it’s a cheaper alternative to OpenAI and Anthropic’s expensive products. Sacks, as a co-founder of the venture capitalist firm Craft Ventures, and host of a popular podcast with three fellow venture capitalists, is more closely tied to this part of the tech ecosystem than any other.
Many believe that capable open weight AI presents a serious threat to the Big Two AI companies’ current dominance of the AI frontier, and thus their business model. The flip side is that some have argued that the Big Two present an “existential threat” to the software industry, predicting the frontier labs’ products could take over much of what today’s software companies do.
But regarding safety concerns, advocates have warned about the dangers of both closed “frontier” models and open models. “On the open source side in particular, it’s easier to have a bad actor — a terrorist group, a rogue nation, an extremist political group that wants to cause chaos,” said Brendan Steinhauser of the Alliance for Secure AI, an AI safety advocacy group. “They can strip out safety features and guardrails, they can do some fine tuning to basically make the models even more dangerous, and get them to help them develop biological weapons.”
The open weight AI faction argues, though, that intrusive government regulation on AI would end up mostly hurting open models and the companies that use them — entrenching the dominance of OpenAI and Anthropic, who would be better able to comply with onerous safety requirements given their size. They’ve publicly pooh-poohed AI’s existential risks, instead playing up what they say are the dangers that AI’s power will be controlled by a privileged few. Less regulation, Sacks argues, will let more flowers bloom.
These concerns aren’t only held by those with financial stakes. There’s also a school of thought on the left that is deeply suspicious of OpenAI and Anthropic’s intentions, and particularly around the companies’ desire for an exemption from antitrust enforcement, which they say will let them work together to address safety.
Commentator Matt Stoller has argued that those warning about dangerous “superintelligence” are playing into the hands of tech “oligarchs.” And a recent American Prospect article said policymakers should “avoid codifying the preferences of the very companies who are generating the panic.” On the right, Sens. Josh Hawley (R-MO) and Ted Cruz (R-TX) have expressed similar concerns that large AI companies’ demands for restrictions are a cover for consolidating market dominance.
At a Politico event Wednesday — and to give a sense of just how strange the bedfellows can be around this issue — Sacks stressed that he agreed with former Democratic FTC chair Lina Khan that existing liability law already applies to AI companies. But while Khan said she was open to adding new legal restrictions, Sacks is arguing that existing law is perfectly sufficient for addressing safety risks. “These CEOs are going to be subject to massive civil and criminal liability if they put out products that are unsafe,” he said.
In other comments at the event, Sacks did appear to have softened his tone a bit, saying he was “open to ideas” about AI safety, and that “we should have an intelligent conversation” about how to manage risks. The problem, he argued, was that “what’s going on right now is a fear campaign” that makes such an intelligent conversation impossible.
Former Rep. Brad Carson, who heads Americans for Responsible Innovation, an AI safety advocacy group, said that Sacks has been the one preventing such a conversation. “When it comes to AI policy the Trump administration has, through their unwillingness to even talk about reasonable guardrails, brought things to such a crisis point that the industry is in jeopardy,” Carson said. “In many ways, David Sacks is the author of that ill-fated intransigence.”
Sacks, for his part, has pointed to Anthropic’s funding of much of the AI safety advocacy world — for instance, the company has given $40 million to an advocacy group founded by Carson — and said the company is “running a sophisticated regulatory capture strategy based on fear-mongering.”
The influence of Sacks and his worldview could help explain another seeming mystery of the administration: If Trump thinks it’s so crucial that the United States beats China in the AI race, why has he been so willing to bless the sale of AI chips abroad — including even to China?
National security hawks both inside and outside the Trump administration had warned against these sales and hoped to impose stringent controls on the export of Nvidia chips, fearing that if too many got out, the US would squander its AI lead over China.
Huang lobbied intensely against this, hoping to sell Nvidia’s most advanced chips to Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates — and trying to resume sales of a less advanced but still sophisticated AI chip to China itself. Sacks became Huang’s biggest champion inside the administration — and they won over the president. Sacks publicly argued that blocking US chip sales to China and other countries would provide an opening for Chinese companies like Huawei to dominate their domestic market and gain a greater global market share with competing chips, putting the US on weaker footing in the long run.
National security-minded critics disagreed, arguing that Sacks’s particular vision for AI will likely, in practice, strengthen China’s AI sector. “I think we can have a reasonable debate on domestic policy,” said McGuire of the Council on Foreign Relations. “But when we start from the premise that the American AI stack — models, cloud, and chips — should be dominant globally, then selling China the technology to advance its own capability obviously undercuts that.”
China also looms over the cause of open weight AI that Sacks champions — because it’s Chinese companies like DeepSeek and Moonshot that produce some of the leading open weight models that US software startups currently use.
OpenAI and Anthropic argue that these Chinese models present national security risks, claim they rely heavily on copying or “distilling” their own models, and want the US government to scrutinize them. Some Trump officials have reportedly been sympathetic to their concerns, but the administration hasn’t restricted these Chinese models’ use in the US. Sacks argues that a US ban on Chinese open weight models will just end up enshrining the OpenAI-Anthropic duopoly he so loathes.
Overall, though, on both national security risks and AI safety risks, Sacks and Huang still seem to have the president’s ear.
On Monday, Sacks was onstage with Huang at the live All-In podcast event discussing the “doomer hoax” when a purportedly impromptu call came through for the Nvidia CEO: It was Trump.
“The robots are not going to be taking over the world,” Trump said on speakerphone. “That’s not going to happen.”
Then, after speaking for several minutes, Trump added: “David has done an amazing job.”
Royal families of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Abu Dhabi will own nearly 50% of the equity of a merged Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery
This story appeared in The Logoff, a daily newsletter that helps you stay informed about the Trump administration without letting political news take over your life. Subscribe here.
Welcome to The Logoff: With fewer than 50 days until the midterm elections, President Donald Trump is hitting the campaign trail.
What’s happening? Trump was in North Carolina last night for his first major post-primary season rally of the 2026 midterms (setting aside the GOP’s unusual midterm convention last week, which wasn’t not a Trump rally).
Republican Michael Whatley will face former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper in November for an open US Senate seat.
Speaking near Charlotte, Trump urged voters to “pretend I’m on the ticket, because essentially I am.” It’s becoming a familiar refrain for the president, but not necessarily a promising one — polls suggest Trump is deeply unpopular with voters right now, more likely to drag a ticket down than boost it.
How else is Trump getting involved in the midterms? Last week, we noted that Trump was beginning to spend from his vast super PAC account to support Republican candidates. Now, we’re getting a better idea of what that spending looks like: As of earlier this week, Trump’s MAGA Inc. super PAC and related entities had booked ads to the tune of $138 million, a number that could continue to grow.
MAGA Inc. has around $400 million in the bank, though as the Washington Post reported earlier this month, Trump has a long list of other things he could choose to spend that money on instead of the midterms (such as legal fees, travel, or even his eventual presidential library).
Will it make a difference? It’s a whole lot of money. But with not much time left until voters go to the polls and some mail-in ballots already going out — North Carolina voters began receiving theirs earlier this month — the map is looking fairly dire for Republican hopes.
Trump, meanwhile, isn’t doing himself any favors. The fuel shortages caused by the Iran war are only getting worse, as my colleague Caitlin Dewey explained today. Polls suggest he’s picked the wrong side of the AI issue. And voters are still extremely mad about inflation.
It’s not every day we get to write about a new cat — in fact, it’s the first time in more than 100 years. But that’s just what scientists found in the Bolivian Yungas Forest, according to a new study published today. The cat, Leopardus tilcayo, is a type of tiger cat, smaller than your average house cat. It’s also quite cute, and you can see pictures of it here.
Thanks for reading, have a great evening, and we’ll see you back here tomorrow!
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