Maybe it was never a great idea to build so many golf courses in the desert. But in the 1990s, when Tiger Woods mania was at its peak, Las Vegas went on a fairway construction spree, dotting the city with dozens of pristine, water-gobbling green oases, most woven around upscale master-planned suburbs. 

One of those new fairways was the privately owned Badlands Golf Club, whose name now evokes huffs of frustration and wistful what-ifs from Las Vegans in the know. Opened in 1995 about 15 miles west of the Strip, the luxury course once wound its way around some of the city’s most opulent mansions and gated communities. 

By the time Woods crashed his car into a fire hydrant in 2009, the golf industry was in a crisis of its own. Many Americans had lost their appetite for the sport, which began hemorrhaging millions of players during the Great Recession and Woods’s fall from grace. Thousands of golf courses built during boom times shut down as a result — Badlands Golf Club among them. 

Meanwhile, Las Vegas, like many American cities, needed more homes to help alleviate its brutally high housing costs. These days, Nevada needs 120,000 additional affordable homes, but it is running out of places to build them, in part because about 85 percent of the state is federally owned, meaning there’s little room left for its cities to grow or sprawl. Shuttered golf courses — which often had the advantage of being tied into existing urban infrastructure, unlike more undeveloped land — presented ideal spots for relatively low-cost development.

Not everyone was happy about the idea. To the ire of its affluent neighbors, the precious real estate of the Badlands Golf Club was slated for a new housing development in 2015. What came next was one of the worst land disputes in Nevada history, a decade-long legal tussle waged by the city of Las Vegas at the behest of wealthy locals. Las Vegas was forced to fork over $286 million to a developer last year — one of the largest such settlements in history, and more than the city’s entire annual municipal culture and recreation budget — for illegally denying applications and permits to build atop the Badlands, which by then sat empty, an abandoned eyesore. Eleven years after the fiasco started, a new developer finally began clearing the site for a new luxury housing complex earlier this year, while Las Vegas has had to enact hiring freezes and delay municipal projects to pay off its hefty bill.         

In cities where space is tight, underused golf courses are, in theory, ideal canvases for new housing. These huge, repurposed tracts of land can fit thousands of new units — ideally, affordable ones — alongside other amenities like parks or basketball courts smack in the middle of some of the country’s most desirable and well-connected neighborhoods. This makes such developments much cheaper to build than creating a new suburb with all new roads and power lines from scratch.

Not every attempt to turn golf courses into housing lands is destined for financial calamity. Just last year, the city of Las Vegas approved a plan to convert a separate golf course, the city-owned Desert Pines Golf Club, into a 1,500-unit housing complex, the largest affordable housing project in Nevada history and a public-private partnership between the city, the Nevada State Infrastructure Bank, a private developer, and nonprofit partners. The project is a rare win for these kinds of developments, and may offer a blueprint for how they can be accomplished in the future. But even there, the challenges are still real. 

“Everyone wants more housing at a regional level. Everyone acknowledges that we need more housing,” said Nicholas Irwin, research director at the Lied Center for Real Estate at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. “But no one wants it near them, and that’s the tricky part.” 

How to turn a golf course into housing

Desert Pines Golf Club opened in the heart of East Las Vegas in 1996, a lush, manicured 18-hole course, peppered with over 4,000 imported pine trees. Like nearly one in five fairways nationwide, Desert Pines was municipally owned, its pricey water needs subsidized by Vegas taxpayers. 

With its rolling green hills, Desert Pines was, by far, the largest contiguous green space in the mostly working-class neighborhood that surrounds it. But while golfers flocked to the course, many local residents barely even knew it was there or likely assumed it was out of their price range, said Ángeles Ramos, a local organizer with the immigrant advocacy group Make the Road Nevada. “Only the wealthy wanted it for their own purposes,” she told me in Spanish, but “what we want, what we urgently need, is more affordable housing.” 

There was a time when “we could just build anywhere and everywhere because the valley was underdeveloped,” Irwin said, but “now, we’re buttoned up against it. We are incredibly dense, because we’ve basically filled up the land we have.” Much of Nevada is undevelopable because the federal government has set it aside for other purposes like recreation, which explains the state’s bevy of tourist attractions like Lake Tahoe or Red Rock Canyon. But it also leaves the city with little space to build.  

If all 16,000 golf courses in America turned all of their land — about 2.3 million acres — into housing with the same density as Desert Pines, it would be enough space to build 22 million homes. If you applied that approach to only those courses that are, like Desert Pines was, municipally owned, then you could still build 4.3 million affordable homes, which would make an enormous dent in the nation’s current shortage of about 7.2 million affordable homes. 

That’s not to say that every golf course in every land-constrained city ought to be bulldozed to make way for new apartment buildings. Golfing, for the record, has made a bit of a comeback lately, much like its most famous star. And even if fairways were still closing at the rate they were a few years ago, there’s no way that they could solve Nevada’s housing gap alone, much less overcome the shortage nationwide. But they can still help close the gap. 

Ramos, who is among the local leaders organizing community meetings around the Desert Pines redevelopment, believes it could be transformative for the community over time. She says that in her neighborhood it’s become a luxury for many families just to live alone with their spouse and kids, rather than doubling up in cramped apartments, pooling together money each month to keep up with rising costs. 

 When the Desert Pines redevelopment opens about a decade from now, it will include not just 1,500 housing units, but also a soccer pitch, walking trails, and a job training center. In East Las Vegas, the temperature often feels more than five degrees hotter than it does in the Badlands’ affluent suburbs, where residents enjoy over nine times as much parkland per person. 

“This project brings a lot of hope,” said Ramos, who’s especially excited about the prospect of more accessible, kid-friendly green spaces. “We’re all human. We need equity, respect, and to live with dignity, and that’s why we urgently need trees too.”

As it turns out, you can do a lot with an old fairway. Even with all of those bells and whistles, the new development will still likely use less water than the golf course did. And, because the plot of land is already enmeshed within the community of East Las Vegas — close to existing sewer, water, and electricity lines — it will be much cheaper to build there than it would be to try doing so on the outskirts of the city, said Antonio Bermúdez, vice president of McCormack Baron Salazar, the developer working with the city and state government on the proposal.

“What I’ve seen so far in the state of Nevada is that the political will is there,” he said, though the question is, “how do we make this happen not just in Nevada and the city of Las Vegas, but everywhere else where affordable housing is needed.”

Not in my golfyard!

If the Badlands has become a brutal fable of bad governance and highly charged NIMBYism, then Desert Pines may prove to be the model of a golf course-to-housing project gone right.

It also enjoyed the privilege of being located in a welcoming neighborhood, filled with renters who could personally benefit from the project. By contrast, many other golf courses were instead built as a luxury perk embedded in master-planned communities, meaning they’re surrounded by homeowners who fear that losing a recreational amenity — especially if it’s replaced by less upscale housing — could affect their property value.

“Everyone wants more housing at a regional level. Everyone acknowledges that we need more housing. But no one wants it near them, and that’s the tricky part.” 

Nicholas Irwin, research director, Lied Center for Real Estate

Just across the street from the Badlands is another golf course, Angel Park Golf Club, built on federal land granted to the city of Las Vegas. If the city ever tried to build an affordable housing complex like the one it’s planning in Desert Pines, it would almost certainly fail given the outrage with which the surrounding community reacted to a proposal for other high-end housing in their backyard. 

Victoria Seaman, a former Las Vegas City council member, was elected in 2019 to represent the district that includes the Badlands, mid-lawsuit. Even the “big, beautiful two-acre lots” the developer originally envisioned for the site, she said, were not good enough for Queensbridge, an ultra-luxury gated community abutting the course that acted as a powerful lobbying bloc during the decade-long process, influencing the city’s illegal decision to block the original property owner from breaking ground. 

The city of Las Vegas is still paying off the total $286 million settlement it made over its obstruction of the Badlands project, in part through funding cuts to projects like the Desert Pines redevelopment in East Las Vegas.

“These were expensive homes with beautiful planning,” Seaman said of the project planned for the former golf course, and yet somehow, “these very big donors in Queensbridge convinced the entire [homeowners association] that the developer would ruin the neighborhood.”

The fight over fairways is really a fight over who gets to live where

The Badlands example is particularly dramatic, but it also gets at the challenges faced by similar projects across the country. Even a decade after many fairways fell into decline, there are few other examples quite like Desert Pines, and certainly none as large. While dozens of cities — including  Denver, New York, and Virginia Beach — have made overtures to turn golf courses into housing in recent years, almost all such projects have been met with upheaval and fierce resistance from locals. 

To some extent, that’s understandable. In Sparks, Nevada, hundreds of local residents have flooded community meetings in recent months to oppose a proposal to raze the Red Hawk Golf and Resort and build over 700 new homes in its place. “Promises were made to this community,” Tom Ciesynski, one of those homeowners, told me, “these lots, these very nice homes, were sold with premiums added for those that were sitting on the golf course.” Now, he says, the fairway’s owner is trying to build “tract homes that just don’t fit the character” of a neighborhood that has come to see the Red Hawk as its centerpiece, where Ciesynski regularly goes to golf, and where his wife takes her yoga and pilates classes. 

He understands that Sparks, like most of Nevada, faces a housing crunch. “Most people aren’t opposed to all new development, but there’s a right way to do it and a wrong way to do it,” he said, and there are other places within a “stone’s throw of where we live” where he thinks the developers ought to go and build instead.

He arguably has a point. Recreation spaces are important for livable cities, too, and it’s not fair that homeowners who were promised one thing when they bought their properties are now facing a new reality. 

And yet, the most troubling trade-off is not the one that leaves a homeowner golf course-less but the one that leaves families in East Las Vegas unable to afford homes at all. It may be tempting to only build affordable housing in places that won’t put up a fight, which in practice, means avoiding most golf courses, especially those in wealthy neighborhoods that want to preserve the kind of exclusivity that many fairways were built to project in the first place. But cities can no longer afford that indulgence — and in any case, they shouldn’t be digging in their heels to protect it.

When people talk about a new development not fitting the character of a neighborhood, “what they’re describing is an amorphous feeling,” said Irwin of the University of Las Vegas, “and if you make policies based on feelings and vibes, you get bad policy.”

If the US wanted to be the world’s police officer, then why not try to be its doctor too? 

Just two months before the invasion of Iraq in 2003, George W. Bush announced an ambitious plan to pump $15 billion into the global fight against HIV, stunning his allies in Congress, health advocates, and heads of state of the program’s intended beneficiaries. 

The President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR, was the largest commitment by any nation in history dedicated to addressing a single disease, a disease that killed about 3 million people in 2003, most of them living in sub-Saharan Africa, and infected 5 million more. “Ladies and gentlemen,” Bush proclaimed in his State of the Union address that year, “seldom has history offered a greater opportunity to do so much for so many.”

On that, he was right. In the two decades to follow, PEPFAR would save an astounding 25 million people’s lives through lifesaving HIV therapies, and prevent millions of babies from being born with HIV in the first place, all at a cost of about 0.08 percent of the federal budget. 

And yet, in the wake of the Trump administration’s foreign aid cuts, one of the greatest achievements in American history is now at risk. PEPFAR, mercifully, still exists, saved from the sledgehammer by an outpouring of bipartisan support last February. But experts say the program has been transformed beyond recognition by countless small cuts, and the abrupt gutting of global health architecture, reshaped not by decades of accumulated wisdom around HIV prevention, but by at times absurdly petty ideology.

Over the past year, more than 77 percent of PEPFAR grantees have lost funding or had their payments delayed, according to a survey released Tuesday by the HIV research group amfAR. 

Nearly two-thirds of grantees — especially those supporting vulnerable populations such as LGBTQ people, young women, and sex workers — said the cuts had disrupted their ability to offer HIV treatments and other services. The Trump administration released limited data showing a deep reduction in HIV prevention services, but a relative consistency in access to treatment earlier this year. However, this new survey paints one of the first pictures available of how PEPFAR cuts are actually being felt on the ground, and how the administration’s priorities are reshaping who and what gets funded.

According to the survey’s authors, at least 1,700 HIV-related sites or clinics have shut down as a result of cuts. Well over 16,000 health workers — including those going door to door to make sure pregnant parents get tested for HIV or children get on treatment — have lost their jobs. 

Many organizations surveyed reported receiving emails when their PEPFAR grants were terminated, noting that their work violated President Donald Trump’s executive order against “unlawful diversity, equity, and inclusion.” It appears, they say, that many of these groups were flagged not because they embraced the distinctly American concept of DEI in their work, but because their name or mission description included a phrase like “gender” or “LGBTQ.”  

A health clinic serving survivors of domestic violence in Mozambique, for example, might now be flagged just for using the phrase “gender-based violence” in their name. This may be part of the reason why even pregnant women — who even the Trump administration has emphasized as a critical demographic in its HIV goals — have lost access to services. 

Back in 2003, Bush defied conservative critics in his own party who attempted to redirect PEPFAR funding to abstinence-only programs. For decades, American presidents have been able to see past their ideology in service of saving lives. They largely understood that contraceptives like condoms and special interventions for those most at risk, including LGBTQ people, were necessary for stopping the spread of HIV. Under the Trump administration, this norm is unraveling. 

“This administration has zero interest in addressing clinical outcomes for vulnerable people with HIV,” said Asia Russell, executive director of the advocacy group Health GAP, who noted that “to be effective, HIV prevention and treatment services actually have to go where the disease is, and that risk is not evenly distributed,” surging in certain geographies like South Africa or within key populations like trans people or young women. Getting support to these groups is “morally right,” she said, but it is also “the only way to do effective HIV work, regardless of your stance on the morals or the merits.”

The fight against HIV is running on fumes

When HIV aid does get doled out these days, it is distributed with far less transparency than in the past, and in ways that often appear to be ideologically or politically driven, both in terms of the populations they serve and the countries they operate in, rather than guided by best practices. 

In theory, lifesaving HIV care was exempted from sweeping aid cuts last year. But in reality, access to even the most basic HIV services and treatments has also atrophied across the board, while falling disproportionately on at-risk populations. 

That’s come both in the form of direct cuts and as a byproduct of broader disruptions to the kind of outreach services, testing, and socioeconomic programs that get patients in the door to begin with. 

“You can’t cut pieces of the architecture of how PEPFAR functions and expect to maintain a really robust treatment program in the long term,” said Jennifer Sherwood, director of research and public policy at amfAR. “If you cut the testing program, the prevention programs, the kind of services that allow people to stay in care and return to care, you’re going to see that you can’t maintain a treatment program.”

The number of people getting on treatment for the first time has sharply declined over the past year, even according to the administration’s own limited data drop, while access to testing, contraceptives, and other preventative services — all critical to keeping infections down in the long run — face cuts that threaten their ability to function at all. 

To make matters worse, amfAR’s survey shows that services designed for the populations most at risk of HIV — such as sex workers, LGBTQ people, young women, and teenage girls — have been disproportionately affected by PEPFAR cuts. Among those who lost funding, a staggering 90 percent of organizations that serve gay and bisexual men were forced to slash access to PrEP — which strongly protects against HIV infection — and many stopped offering it entirely. The same was true for over half of organizations serving pregnant women, whose children now face a higher risk of contracting HIV in the womb.  

The majority of new HIV infections are concentrated in these “key populations,” as they’re known in public health parlance, many of whom face stigma or other obstacles to obtaining care. “One really powerful aspect” of how PEPFAR used to work, said Thomas McHale, public health director at Physicians for Human Rights, was that it consistently “followed the science and followed the epidemiology” to serve “groups that are at the margins of society.” That approach appears to have been thrown out under the new administration, and in at least some cases, actively discouraged.

McHale has been documenting the impact of PEPFAR cuts in South Africa in recent months, and “what we saw was a system under severe stress and strain,” he said. It is one in which a bisexual man stopped taking his HIV medications for weeks because the LGBTQ clinic he used to go to closed. “He just couldn’t bear the stigma of accessing services in a place that’s not meant for him,” according to McHale. Similarly, a young woman was forced to wait in line for 10 hours just to refill her PrEP prescription. 

“If we’re not focusing on preventing disease,” McHale said, “it’s just a more expensive and more devastating challenge to address in the future.”

Some countries may soon stop receiving PEPFAR funding altogether

As I’ve written previously, the Trump administration has attempted to remake foreign aid into a dealmaking enterprise, one in which money flows directly through national governments rather than through large, western-led non-governmental organizations or NGOs. 

In theory, there are benefits to this approach, because it prioritizes the expertise of local health groups and policymakers who are often best equipped to evaluate and address the needs of those in their care. In practice, however, amfAR’s survey shows that so far, under the Trump administration, local organizations have actually lost more funding and been forced to close more sites than international groups have. “These cuts fell heavily on locally-based organizations” while NGOs have fared somewhat better, said Sherwood, “and that really runs counter to all of our global health goals.”  

“I’m concerned because public health is no longer how we’re measuring success” when it comes to reaching PEPFAR’s goals, said Jirair Ratevosian, a senior fellow at the Duke Global Health Institute who served as chief of staff of PEPFAR under the Biden administration. He is especially alarmed by the decision last month to end PEPFAR support for South Africa, which has the largest HIV epidemic in the world. The administration appears to have done so in part because of Trump’s insistence that the nation is waging a nonexistent “genocide” against white Afrikaners. 

“If we’re not focused on preventing disease, it’s just a more expensive and more devastating challenge to address in the future.”

Thomas McHale, Physicians for Human Rights

“HIV control is not their chief concern,” said Ratevosian, who recently ran the numbers on a separate fissure with Zimbabwe, finding that cutting PEPFAR would lead to 75,000 new HIV infections in just one year. In South Africa, similar cuts could lead to over 2 million more infections over the next two decades, a toll that would invariably cross borders, and could threaten the world’s immense, hard-won progress against HIV. “You can’t have a global HIV strategy,” said Ratevosian, “if you’re not engaging these countries.”

Priorities shift under any new administration, and it’s not abnormal for an organization to tweak its language or services to adapt. But PEPFAR, the bipartisan program which began under Republican leadership, and thrived and expanded under three successive presidencies, including during Trump’s first term, has never faced such turmoil. 

“Even among organizations who didn’t lose US funding, we’re still picking up changes to the way they work, the populations they serve, the words they use,” said Sherwood of amfAR. Her group’s survey showed that nearly 80 percent of organizations that did not lose funding still altered the way their organization worked to comply with new policies. “This network of changes from the US,” she said, “are prompting a lot of changes on the ground.”